作者：新疆大学政治与公共管理学院 林芳菲副教授

2020年6月29日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥发表《论中国在新疆强制计划生育和强制绝育计划》的所谓声明。同日，美联社刊发题为“中国为减少维族人口对其采取强制生育控制”（注：美联社报道具体见：）的所谓调查报道。蓬佩奥的声明及美联社的报道均宣称中国政府为遏制少数民族人口的数量，采取严厉的妇女绝育措施削减维吾尔族及其他少数民族的出生率。

蓬佩奥的声明和美联社的报道，主要引用了美国詹姆斯顿基金会今年6月发布的由郑国恩（Adrian Zenz）撰写的研究报告《绝育、宫内节育器和强制生育控制：中国共产党在新疆压制维吾尔族生育率的运动》（以下简称“报告”）中的内容及数据。该报告宣称其数据引用自中国官方发布的统计数据及报告，但事实上这一报告充斥着大量捏造事实、篡改数据的地方。“中国政府强制新疆维吾尔族妇女节育绝育”的说法不过是美国一些具有反华背景的基金会及学者的故伎重演，是其使用捏造、篡改数据等手段编造出的毫无依据的虚假新闻。

该报告的作者郑国恩受雇于美国政府支持的极右翼组织共产主义受难者基金会。该基金会自1983年建立以来，多次无视客观事实，为某些罪行累累的恐怖分子颁发所谓“人权奖”，诋毁中国在治理新疆和抗击新冠肺炎中的贡献。郑国恩在报告中宣称，“通过对政府文件的系统分析，这些传闻（新疆强制计划生育压制维吾尔族出生率）的真实性和规模第一次得以确认”（注：郑国恩报告，第2页。），并列举出他所谓一系列“重大”发现。接下来，我们将运用客观事实和真实数据揭开这些“重大”发现的真实面目，戳穿郑国恩通过捏造事实、篡改数据等手段炮制出的种种谎言。

谎言一：新疆人口自然增长率急剧下降。

郑国恩在报告中宣称，自2015年以来，新疆人口自然增长率急速下降，其中2018年和田和喀什地区人口自然增长率仅为2.58‰（注：郑国恩报告，第2页，第8页。），并借此将新疆民族平等的人口政策恶意诋毁为“种族灭绝”。

但真相是，根据《新疆统计年鉴2019》显示，2018年南疆四地州人口自然增长率情况如下：克孜勒苏柯尔克孜自治州（以下简称“克州”）为11.45‰，阿克苏地区为5.67‰，喀什地区为6.93‰，和田地区为2.96‰（注：《新疆统计年鉴2019》，表3-6各地、州、市、县（市） 人口自然变动情况，第82-83页。）。郑国恩所引用的数据与客观数据严重不符。此外，他在提及相关数据时也未标明该数据的具体来源，其数据的真实性令人怀疑。

自2015年以来，新疆人口自然增长率确有下降，但其下降程度绝非郑国恩报告里所述的那般“急剧”。2018年新疆人口自然增长率为6.13‰，高于当年全国人口自然增长率3.81‰（注：《中国统计年鉴2019》表2-8分地区人口的城乡构成和出生率、死亡率、自然增长率(2018年)：。）。在后文中，我们将运用客观数据及案例具体说明，新疆人口自然生育率出现的变动是正常现象，并且这一变动与中国政府长期推动妇女儿童权益保护工作所取得的成就密不可分，更是新疆少数民族妇女自主生育意愿的体现。

另外，新疆人口自然增长率下降的原因更绝非是蓬佩奥与郑国恩所宣称的由中国政府对少数民族居民推行强制生育控制政策造成的。2017年7月新修定的《新疆维吾尔自治区人口与计划生育条例》中明确指出，“新疆实施“城二农三”生育政策：城镇居民一对夫妻可生育两个子女，农村居民一对夫妻可生育三个子女”（注：具体见：。）。而新修定的条例与此前新疆少数民族城镇居民可生育两个子女，少数民族农牧民可生育三个子女的计划生育政策之间并未任何冲突。这正是中国政府一视同仁地保护包括少数民族在内的各族人民合法权益的人口政策的具体体现。所谓对少数民族居民推行强制生育控制政策纯属无稽之谈，将新疆民族平等的人口生育工作抹黑为“种族灭绝”，更是反映了某些西方国家和机构极其险恶的用心。

谎言二：克孜勒苏柯尔克孜自治州制定了2020年该州自然增长率接近于零的目标。

郑国恩“引用”《克孜勒苏柯尔克孜自治州卫生健康委员会2020年部门预算公开》，指出克州“设定了前所未有的接近零的人口增长目标”（注：郑国恩报告，第2页，第9页，第25页。），即该州2020年人口自然增长率降低至1.05‰（注：郑国恩报告，第9页。），并借此论证中国政府对维吾尔族等少数民族采取强制生育控制的说法。

事实上，郑国恩的报告中完全篡改了克州相关文件的数字。克州卫健委预算报告（注：本文引用的《克孜勒苏柯尔克孜自治州卫生健康委员会2020年部门预算公开》是从郑国恩报告尾注19的链接中获取，即笔者与郑国恩使用的是同一报告，笔者只对关键数字进行了高亮处理。见图1）中，其项目支出目标表中“人口自然增长率”使用的是百分比，即1.05%，其换算为千分比率后为10.5‰。这一数字与2018年克州人口自然增长率11.45%（注：数据来源：《新疆统计年鉴2019》，表3-6各地、州、市、县（市）人口自然变动状况，第83页。）差距并不大。但郑国恩报告却故意篡改了比率的单位，捏造虚假数字来恶意攻击抹黑中国政府在民族地区推行的计划生育政策，其险恶用心昭然若揭。

图1：克州卫健委报告截图

谎言三：违反计划生育的妇女将被送入教培中心。

“将违反计划生育的妇女送入教培中心”是郑国恩报告制造的第三个谎言。该报告称，新疆政府文件规定，违法生育者将参加教培中心学习，并“佐证”了“墨玉名单”中所提及的违反计划生育政策是参加教培学习的最常见原因。

然而，讽刺的是，郑国恩虽然在其报告中引用并列举新疆各地州及县一级政府关于开展计划生育工作的文件，但所有文件从未出现郑所宣称的“违法生育者将参加教培中心学习”的提法。相反，文件中不断强调遵照国家法律及地方法规开展相关工作。国务院新闻办公室2019年6月发布的《新疆的职业技能教育培训工作》白皮书中明确指出，新疆开展教培工作旨在“消除恐怖主义、宗教极端主义滋生蔓延的土壤和条件，有效遏制了恐怖活动多发频发势头，最大限度保障了各族人民的生命权、健康权、发展权等基本权利”（注：《新疆的职业技能教育培训工作》白皮书：。）。同时，《中华人民共和国人口与计划生育法》针对违法生育者的处罚已有明文规定，即依法缴纳社会抚养费。新疆政府网站还对计划生育进行了细致政策解读，对于因经济困难暂时无力缴纳社会抚养费的居民可视情节采取缓缴或分期缴纳社会抚养费的方式解决（注：具体见：。）。以上充分体现了中国政府既遵循依法治国的原则，在具体执行过程又兼具人性化的特点。而郑国恩报告别有用心地捏造了教培中心的设立与计划生育违法行为之间的关联，企图污名、否定新疆教培工作在反恐、去极端化方面取得的成绩，恶意攻击中国的计划生育基本国策。

另外，郑国恩报告中提及的所谓“将违法生育者送入教培中心的‘墨玉名单’”，到底是怎样的一份文件呢？2020年2月西方媒体公布了一份没有任何官方戳记所谓的“政府文件”，宣称这份文件详细记录了新疆墨玉县300多名维吾尔族居民被“关押”在教培中心的原因及在教培中心的表现，并宣称违法生育是被“关押”在教培中心的首要原因。《中国日报》2月24日的报道经认真调查了解，所谓“墨玉名单”所列的311人，绝大多数都是墨玉县博斯坦街道的居民，他们一直在社会上正常工作生活，从来没参加过职业技能教育培训，只有极个别感染宗教极端主义、有轻微违法犯罪的人员曾依法接受职业技能教育培训（注：《中国日报》关于墨玉名单的报道“Officials: Xinjiang 'name list' terrorist hoax”：。）。正如《环球时报》的社评所指出的，这份“墨玉名单”是捏造的，它的出现是西方炒作、抹黑中国新疆政策的惯用伎俩（注：《环球时报》社评“西媒围绕新疆的作秀还要演多久”：。）。

谎言四：2018年，中国宫内节育器新增例数的80%发生在新疆。

郑国恩在报告中继续制造着某些“耸人惊闻”的结论——“2018年，中国80%的宫内节育器（IUD）的新增例数都发生在新疆”（注：郑国恩报告，第3页。）。那么，真相是什么呢？根据国家卫健委出版的《中国卫生健康统计年鉴2019》数据显示，2018年新疆新增放置节育器例数为328475例，全国新增例数为3774318例（注：数据来源为《中国卫生健康统计年鉴2019》中表格8-8-2“2018年各地区计划生育手术情况”，第228页。见图2），新疆新增例数仅占全国新增例数的8.7%（注：需要说明的是，2015-2017年，新疆新增宫内节育器例数占全国的比例基本处于4-5%的区间。2017年由于中国全面开放二胎的政策导致2018年全国其他省份新增宫内节育器的例数减少，但新疆计划生育政策与此前的政策差异不大，少数民族农牧民依然享受三胎政策。较之2017年，2018年新疆新增宫内节育器手术只是略有增幅，但由于全国总数量的变化，新疆所占比例有所增加。）。显然，真实数据与郑国恩80%的结论相距甚远。

图2：《中国卫生健康统计年鉴2019》截图

另外，从2015年至2018年，新疆新增放置节育宫内器例数在数量上并未呈现大的变化波动，并且2018年的新增例数较之2015年有所下降（注；数据来源于《中国卫生和计划生育统计年鉴2016》《中国卫生健康统计年鉴2019》中的表“各地区计划生育手术情况”。）。虽然郑国恩宣称其数据来源皆为官方统计数据，但如此简单的除法就能得出的数据，他却算出了一个差之千里的答案，对于明眼人而言，其伪造数据的行为早已暴露无遗。

谎言五：中国政府对育有一孩维吾尔族妇女进行强制节育手术，及库车县丧偶或丧失生育能力的育龄维吾尔族妇女数量大幅增加。

郑国恩在其报告中列出了伽师县一社区季度查环登记表（见图3），并称当地计生系统对少数民族妇女进行了过度频繁的计生检查，试图以此来佐证中国政府对育有一孩的维吾尔妇女进行强制节育措施（注：郑国恩报告，第12-13页。）。

事实上，中国的生育技术服务一直实行国家指导和个人自愿相结合的原则，强调公民享有避孕方法的知情选择权（注：《计划生育技术服务管理条例》，具体见：。）。包括维吾尔族在内的各民族居民在充分知情且自愿的情况下选择进行节育手术，妇女享有根据自身身体及家庭的情况在孕育一孩后选择节育手术的自主权。且不论这份来源不明的登记表的真假，郑国恩的报告中没有任何证据来佐证妇女选择在育有一孩后使用宫内节育器是政府强制的行为，而非自愿的行为。他所谓的结论不过是其妄加揣测的产物。

图3：郑国恩报告中出现的“伽师县库木艾日克社区季度查环登记表”（注：郑国恩报告，第13页。）

还需指出的是，世界卫生组织官方网站已明确说明，“宫内节育器（IUD）是安全、有效、可逆的长效避孕方法。它是今天世界上使用最广泛的可逆避孕法，估计有一千万妇女使用”（注引自世界卫生组织网站：-。）。相关医学研究也指出，使用宫内节育器的女性应定期至医院检查以确保其放置位置正常（注：具体见：澎湃新闻：。）。对于育龄妇女进行定期的妇科检查，也有助于降低或预防其罹患妇科疾病风险，新疆妇科疾病的查出率已从2010年的41.6%下降为2018年的29.9%（注：数据来源：《中国卫生和计划生育统计年鉴2010》和《中国卫生健康统计年鉴2019》中的“妇科病查治情况表”。）。中国政府长期以来保障与维护妇女权益的重要成果不容抹黑。

郑国恩的另一个谎言更为荒谬。他在没有任何依据的情况下炮制了库车县教培中心“关押”一些妇女导致其丈夫死亡，以及教培中心给育龄妇女注射“狄波－普维拉”（一种长效可逆激素避孕注射药物）从而导致一些妇女失去生育能力的谎言（注：郑国恩报告，第3页，第19页。）。自新疆教培中心设立以来，诸多国外官方代表团及媒体记者进行参访，他们都充分肯定了教培中心对学员宗教信仰、精神文化生活及医疗等需求的充分尊重与保障。而郑国恩为其荒谬结论提供的证据却仅仅是另一篇自己炮制的文章和在脚注中提及的一个中国第六次人口普查报告中根本不存在的表格。

谎言六：和田地区某街道的汉族人口自然增长率是维吾尔族人口的8倍。

郑国恩在报告中称，2018年，和田市古勒巴格街道的汉族人口自然增长率是和田县的人口自然增长率的近8倍，并用此数据指责北京正加速推动“汉族殖民政策”（注：郑国恩报告：第3页，第9页。）。让我们看看郑国恩是如何制造这一谎言的。

首先，郑国恩在其报告中并未标注古勒巴格街道的街道自然生育率的数据来源，其数据来源的真假无从考证。其次，多种因素都导致一个街道社区的人口自然增长率在一年内出现较大变动。举例而言，由于城市改造或搬迁等因素导致街道涌入大量的年轻人，那么，其人口出生率可能提高，而人口死亡率可能降低，这都可能形成较高的人口自然增长率。再次，用一个可能存在特征人口变动的街道对比一个县的情况，借此反映一个地区的各民族人口的变化，这显然不符合人口统计学的基本规律。而如果我们对比2017年至2018年和田地区汉族人口与维吾尔族人口数量的变动，不难发现，2018年和田地区维吾尔族总人口是增加的，而汉族总人口是减少的（注：数据来源：《新疆统计年鉴2018》、《新疆统计年鉴2019》中表3-7“各地、州、市、县(县)分民族人口数”。）。在客观的数据面前，所谓的“汉族殖民政策”就是玩弄数字游戏制造的谎言。

真相：新疆人口自然增长率的变动属于正常变动，其变动与国家推动妇女权益保障取得的成就紧密相关。

乌云永远遮蔽不了太阳，真相是最好的谎言粉碎机。自2010年以来，新疆人口自然增长率的确呈现出下降的态势，但这一现象的出现绝非是国外某些机构或政客恶意捏造的所谓“中国政府对维吾尔族居民实施强制节育”导致的；恰恰相反，这反映出的是中国长期以来在少数民族地区推动保障妇女儿童权益政策所付出的巨大努力和取得的重要成就。

诸多社会学及人口学研究均已指出，人口生育率的变化与社会政策的变动、社会经济发展水平、妇女的生育意愿及人口迁移等多种因素有着紧密关联。换言之，人口生育率的变动是由多种因素导致的。另外，一些研究还强调妇女生育意愿对于生育率的变化产生着重要的影响（注：郭志刚。2008。“中国的低生育水平及其影响因素”，人口研究。）。

学者李建新、常庆玲对2010年第六次人口普查的数据进行分析发现，维吾尔族生育率较高的原因与当地社会经济发展较为落后、女性早婚且受教育程度低、宗教信仰对女性生育自主权的限制等因素有着较为密切关联（注：李建新、常庆玲。2016.“新疆维吾尔族聚居地区人口婚育状况分析”，西北民族研究。另外，新疆大学社会学系教师阿孜古丽·吾斯曼2010年在阿克苏地区进行的维族妇女生育意愿的调查也反映出类似的情况。）。

纵观近十年的状况，一方面，新疆少数民族居民继续享受着平等的甚至更为优待的人口和计划生育政策，另一方面，新疆尤其是南疆地区经历着社会经济的快速发展，并且在中国政府一系列促进性别平等及保障妇女权益政策和举措的推动下，少数民族妇女充分享有接受教育及就业的权利，这使得少数民族妇女在生育意愿发生了新的变化，在生育问题上享受到更多的自主权。

生育率的下降与男女教育的平等化程度之间存在密切关联（注：叶华，吴晓刚。2011. “生育率下降与中国男女教育的平等化趋势”，社会学研究。）。如今，新疆的各民族女性充分享有接受教育的基本权利。2018年，全疆小学学龄儿童入学率达到99.91%（注：数据来源：。）。越来越多的少数民族女性获得大专及以上的学历。1998年至2018年的二十年间，新疆女性接受高等教育人数及所占人口比例增长显著。据中国统计年鉴的抽样数据显示，新疆6岁及以上的女性人口中拥有大专及以上学历的人数比例从1998年的5.07%增长至2018年的17.63%（注：数据来源：《中国统计年鉴1999》，《中国统计年鉴2019》中的表“分地区按性别、受教育程度分的6岁及以上人口”。）。

受教育程度的提高也会影响女性自愿推迟初次结婚及生育年龄。维族女孩木尼拉今年25岁，来自喀什伽师县，目前在乌鲁木齐就读研究生（注：访谈时间：2020年7月24日。）。有稳定的男友，但木尼拉表示并没计划立刻结婚生子，她对自己的婚姻与工作有着周密的安排。她认为研究生顺利毕业后找到一份稳定的工作对自己而言是比较重要的事情。她计划工作1-2年后再考虑结婚的事，而在生育孩子的数量上，她觉得一个孩子比较合适，也能接受两个孩子，但生育两个孩子的前提是她与未来丈夫能够为孩子提供好的生活条件。木尼拉和周围同学、朋友的结婚年龄已远晚于她们的父辈，但她们并没有因为自己的“晚婚”而焦虑或受到来自家人的压力。来自克州的阿依努尔，今年32岁，她从小在克州的农村长大，家里有4个兄弟姊妹，包括她在内的三姊妹都拥有本科以上的学历，并拥有稳定的工作（注：访谈时间：2020年7月25日。）。阿依努尔研究生毕业后回到家乡克州成为了一名高中老师。她现在已结婚三年，目前育有一孩并刚刚怀上她的第二个宝宝。阿依努尔与丈夫计划只生育两个孩子，因为夫妻俩认为两个孩子可以未来互相陪伴。阿依努尔在怀孕期间进行定期的孕检，在生育一胎期间，享受了法定的产假并领取了生育补贴。木尼拉和阿依努尔的故事反映出接受教育的年轻女性与其父辈在婚姻、生育问题上观念的差异，她们会更关注个人的发展，也拥有更多的主见。

女性拥有更多的就业机会则是少数民族农村女性改变其生育意愿的另一重要原因。近些年，内地省份积极对口援建新疆促进新疆经济发展。以喀什为例，深圳在喀什建立的深圳产业园为当地农村女性提供了大量就业岗位，以前因为学历低等原因只能待在家里的少数民族女性纷纷走出家门、走进工厂，不仅提高了家庭收入，锻炼了自身能力，也变得更加自信（注：具体见：。）。越来越多农村女性的生活半径不再只局限于家庭，通过工作与学习，她们更好地理解国家的计划生育政策，也更重视子女教育的质量，而不再一味追求子女的数量。

以上案例及数据充分说明新疆少数民族妇女生育意愿的变化绝非政策强制，而是在新疆长治久安、经济社会向好的大背景下，在中国政府不懈推动各种保障妇女权益保障等举措下，少数民族女性遵循其自主意愿而发生的改变。这一改变正是中国性别及民族平等政策取得的重要成就，是中国作为负责任的大国对联合国通过的《世界人权宣言》《消除对妇女一切形式歧视公约》等公约的遵循与恪守。

然而，一些国家及研究机构，出于意识形态偏见和一些别有用心的目的，通过捏造、篡改数据的卑劣手段炮制出种种谎言颠倒是非、恶意抹黑。我们坚信，真理大步走近，谎言就只得跑开。中国推行的民族平等政策一定会让新疆更加繁荣稳定，各族人民都过上幸福美满的好日子。

Responding to Adrian Zenz’s Lies on Xinjiang’s Birth Control:

A Survey on Fertility Willingness of Ethnic Minority Women

in Xinjiang

Lin Fangfei, Ph.D

School of Politics and Public Administration, Xinjiang University

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo published a press statementtitled “On China’s Coercive Family Planning and Forced Sterilization Program in Xinjiang”on 29 June 2020. On the same day, the Associated Press released an investigation report titled “China forces birth control on Uighurs to suppress population”（See this report at, accessed on September 1, 2020.）. Both Pompeo’ statement and the Associated Press’s report claimed that aiming to curb the Muslim population in Xinjiang, Chinese government has taken a series of draconian measures to slash birth rates among Uighurs and other minorities.

One research report, written by Adrian Zenz and titled by “Sterilizations, IUDs, and mandatory birth control: The CCP's campaign to suppress Uyghur birth rates in Xinjiang” (hereinafter, referred to as Zenz’s report), was published by Jamestown Foundation in June 2020. Zenz’s report is the main citing source of Pompeo’s statement and the Associated Press’s investigation report. Zenz’s report claimed thatits data was quoted from China’s official documents and statistical yearbook, yet in fact, this report has a large number of problems, mainly including fabricating facts and falsifying data. Thewording that Chinese government has adopted compulsory sterilization to Uyghur women in Xinjiang, in the essence, is a baseless fake news whichwas concocted by US government and somewestern foundations and scholars with anti-communist background.

Adrian Zenz,the author of the report, is a Germany scholar hired by The Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation — an extreme right-wing organization sponsored by the US government. Since its establishment in 1983, this foundation, disregarding the objective facts, has repeatedly conferred so-called “human rights awards” tosome criminal terrorists, and slandered and denied China’s salient contribution in fighting against COVID-19. Inhis report, Zenz listed his so-called significant research findingsof Chinese government suppressingUyghur birth ratesby mandatorymeasures, and declared that “[f]or the first time, the veracity and scale of these anecdotal accounts（These anecdotal accounts here refer to “mandatory birth control in Xinjiang”.） can be confirmed through a systematic analysis of government documents”（Zenz’s report，p2.）. In the following sections, using objective facts and statistical data, we will refute Zenz’s “significant” research findings and eventually expose how he concocted these lies through fabricating facts and falsifying data.

Lie 1: The natural population growth rate in Xinjiang has a sharp decrease.

To denigrated maliciously denigrated China’s population policy based on ethnic equality as a “genocide” policy, Zenz asserted that since 2015, the natural population growth rate in Xinjiang has dropped sharply, and in 2018 the natural population growth rate of Hotan and Kashgar was merely 2.58‰（See Zenz’s report, p2, p8.。）.

Yet, the data Zenz cited in the report is seriously inconsistent with real official statistical data. According toXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019, the natural population growth rates of the four prefectures in south Xinjiang in 2018 are as follows: Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecturewas 11.45‰, Aksu Prefecturewas 5.67‰, Kashgar Prefecturewas 6.93‰, Hotan Prefecturewas 2.96‰（SeeXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019, “Table 3-6: Natural Changes of Population by Prefecture, City, County”, p82-83.）. In addition, Zenz did notindicate the accurate source of relevant data when he referring to the natural population growth rates in Hotan and Kashgar. Thus, the data probably is untrustworthy, and its authenticity is problematic as well.

Xinjiang’s natural population growth rate has indeed declined since 2015, however,its decline is by no means as “sharp” asdescribed in Zenz’s report. Xinjiang’snaturalpopulation growth rate in 2018 is 6.13‰, which was higher than the national natural population growth rate of 3.81‰（SeeChinese Statistical Yearbook 2019, “Table 2-8 the urban-rural composition, birth rate, death rate, and natural growth rate of population by regions (2018)”,, accessed on September 2, 2020.）. In final section, by presenting the objective data and some specific cases, I will argue thatthe changes occurring in the natural growth rate of Xinjiang’s population is areasonable phenomenon, rather than consequenceof so-called mandatoryintervention by Chinese government, elaboratethe reasons of decreasing growthrate in Xinjiang —itis mainly caused by decreasing fertility willingnessof ethnic minority women, and amply reflectsChina’sefforts and achievements in promoting the protection of women’s and children’s rights over a long period of time.

Pompeoand Zenz’s claimis a groundless statement that the decreasingnatural population growth rate in Xinjiang is mainly caused by mandatory birth control policies implemented by Chinese government upon ethnic minority residents. “Regulations on Population and Family Planning of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region”,the local regulationrelated to Xinjiang’sfamily planning policy thatwas newly revised in July 2017, clearly stated that Xinjiang implements the birth policy that one urban couple is admitted to have two children, and one rural couple is admitted to have three children（See, accessed on September 2, 2020.）. There is no conflict between this newly revised regulation and the previous regulation in referring to the family planning policy of ethnic minorities —after new regulationbeing issued,the urban ethnic minoritycouplesstill havethe right of having two children, and the rural couples also havekept the right of having three children.The protection of reproductive rightsof ethnic minoritiesin Xinjiang is exactly the concrete manifestationof Chinese government’s insistence in protecting the legal rights of allthe ethnic groups withoutany discrimination. Westerncountries’defamation of Xinjiang’s family planning policies is completely nonsense and only reflects their extremely sinister intentions.

Lie 2: Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture has set an unprecedented near-zero population growth target for 2020—a mere 1.05 per mille.

Citing the data from one official document titled “Departmental Budget of Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture Health Commission 2020”, Zenz claimed that Kizilsu government has “set an unprecedented near-zero population growth target”（Zenz’s report, p.2, p9, p25.）, that is Kizilsu’s natural population growth rate plans to be reduced to 1.05‰ in 2020（Ibid, p9.）.Zenzthus used this new “evidence”to continue confirming his absurd conclusion that Chinese government has adopted compulsory birth control against Uighurs and other minorities.

Actually, Zenz’s report completely falsified the figures in the official documents of Kizilsu government. In this document from Kizilsu’s Health Commission（I directlydownloadedthis official document from the website link provided by Zenz’s report.）, it clearly indicates that thegoal of natural population growth ratein 2020is 1.05% (see Figure 1), that is 10.5‰, if conversed intothe unit of pre mille.This numberis not much different from Kizilsu’snatural population growth rate of 11.45%（SeeXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019,“Table 3-6: Natural Changes of Population by Prefecture, City, County”, p83.）. However, Zenz, throughdeliberately tampering with the unit of the ratio and fabricating false figures, attacked and discredited the family planning policies implemented by Chinese governmentwithsinisterpurposes.

Figure 1: Screen-shot of “Departmental Budget of Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture Health Commission 2020”

Lie 3: Those ethnic minority women who violated Xinjiang’s family planning policies would beimprisonedto the vocational education and training center.

This is the third lie made by Zenz in his report. He claimed thatXinjiang’s government documents stipulate that those ethnic minority women who violate family planning policieswould be sent to the vocational education and training center. He regarded these official documents asa piece of “strong” evidenceto prove theauthenticityof “Karakax List”. “Karakax List” pointed out that the violations of family planning policies were the most common reason for internment.

Ironically, afterlooking through these officialdocuments Zenz listed and quoted in the report, I has not found any evidences to prove Zenz’s statement.On the contrary, all the documents emphasized that the family planning work must be carried out in compliance with national laws and local regulations.

In the white paper ofVocational Education and Training in Xinjiangpublished by the State Council Information Office, it is clearly stated that,Xinjiang’s vocational education and training work aims to “prevent the breeding and spread of terrorism and religious extremism, effectively curbing the frequent terrorist incidents and protecting the rights to life, health, and development of the people of all ethnic groups”（See this white paper:, accessed on September 2, 2020.）.The Population and Family Planning Law of the People's Republic of Chinaalso has clearly stipulated about the penalties for the acts violating the law, that is,the illegalchild-bearers will pay social compensation fee. The official website of Xinjiang’s government has a detailed policy interpretation on family planning policy in Xinjiang. Itinterprets that, in the casethat residents who are temporarily unable to pay social compensation fee due tofamilies’economic difficulties, the payment can be deferred or paid in installments. It fully demonstrates that the Chinese government not only obeys the principle of ruling the country by law, but also has the characteristics of humanity during the specific implementation process. Zenz’s report, however,deliberately fabricatedthe non-existent connection between the establishment ofvocational education and training center and the illegal activities violating the law of family planning, in an attempt to stigmatize and attack China’s family planning policies and to negate the achievements of vocational education and training work in anti-terrorism.

What is “Karakax List”, a so-called leak official documentmentioned in Zenz’s report? In February 2020, some Western media released a document without any official stamps, claiming that this documentcalled “Karakax List” recordedthe specificreasons in details whymore than 300 Uyghur residents were detained in vocational education and training center inKarakax county. According to this document, the illegalchildbirth was the primary reason for Uyghur residents’ being detained.China Dailydida careful investigation and verification about“Karakax List” in this February. This report found thatthe vast majority of the 311 Uyghur residents listedon the “Karakax List” have been working and living normally in society the whole time, and only very few people, who were affected by religious extremism and committed minor offenses, received vocational education and training（ChinaDaily,“Officials: Xinjiang 'name list' terrorist hoax”，February 24,2020. See, accessed on September 3, 2020.）. The “Karakax List”, as one editorialfromGlobal Timespointed out, was totallyfabricated, and its concurrence reflected the customary tactic used by Western countries to discredit China’s Xinjiang policy（Global Times,“When will Western media show around Xinjiang end?”, February 28, 2020. See：, accessed on September 3, 2020.）.

Lie 4: In 2018, at least 80percentof the new surgeriesof IUDplacementsinChinawerepreformedinXinjiang.

Figure 2: Screen-shot ofChina Health Statistical Yearbook 2019

Zenz continued making up some sensational conclusions in his report - In 2018, at least 80 percent of the new surgeries of IUD placements in China were preformed in Xinjiang（Zenz’s report，p3.）. In fact, according toChina Health Statistics Yearbook 2019officially published by the National Health Commission, the number of new surgeries of IUD placement in Xinjiang in 2018 was 328,475, and the number of new surgeries nationwide was 3,774,318 (See Figure 2). It is easily estimated that the number of Xinjiang’s newsurgeries of IUD placements accounted for only 8.7% of thenational number.Obviously, the percentage Zenz concluded isfar from the real data.

Another evidencealso confirms that Zenz’sdata wastotally fabricated. The number of new surgeries of IUD placements in Xinjiang did not showobviousfluctuations from 2015 to 2018,and actually,the number ofnew surgeries of Xinjiangin 2018decreased, compared with 2015（See the table “Family planning operations in various regions” Selected fromChina Health and Family Planning Statistical Yearbook 2016andChina Health Statistics Yearbook 2019.）. Ironically, Zenz claimed that his data sourceswere all from official statistics,yet he was unable to use the officialdata to calculatea right answer that ought to be obtained by avery simple division.

Lie 5: The Chinese government has performed compulsory birth control operations on Uyghur women whoonlyhaveonechild,andtheshares of women aged 18 to 49 who were either widowed or in menopause have more than doubled since the onset of the internment campaign in KuqaCounty.

In his report, Zenz presented one form that recordingthe situationof IUD checking forwomen by quarterin one District, Payzawat County (see Figure 3),and criticizedthat the localhealth and family planning department conducted excessively frequent inspections on ethnic minority women（Zenz’s report，p12, 13.）. Then, he took this “evidence”to prove his findings thatthe Chinese government even took compulsory birth control measures on Uyghur women with only one child.

Chin's fertility technical services have insisted the principle of combining state guidance and individual voluntary, and emphasized that all the Chinese citizens have the right to be informed of freely choosing contraceptive methods.The decisions of operating birth control surgeries that Uyghur and other ethnic minority residentsmade is fullybased on their willingnessand full knowledge about the surgeries. In other words,one woman has the right todecide to have herself sterilized after having one child.The sources of the form Zenz providedwere unknownand unidentified, and this formdid not contain any evidence to prove that women’s choice to operate IUD placement after having a child is a government-compulsory behavior, not a voluntary behavior. Zenz’s conclusion is not the fact but the product of his extrapolation.

Figure 3: Quarterly IUD check list for Kumarik District, Payzawat County, directly cited from Zenz’s report, p. 13.

It should be mentionedhere that the World Health Organization (WHO) has clearly verified the safetyof IUDs. In the website of WHO, IUDs are identified as“a safe and effective method of long-term reversible contraception and the most widely used reversible method of contraception in the world today, used by an estimated 100 million women”（See the official website of WHO,, accessed on September 3, 2020.）. Some relevant medical studies also confirms that it is necessary that women who use the IUDs go to the hospital for regular checkups to ensure its placement is correct（See：, accessed on September 3, 2020.）. Free regular gynecological examinations provided by Chinese government have effectively reduced or prevented women’srisk of gynecological diseases. The detection rate of women’s gynecological diseases in Xinjiang has dropped from 41.6% in 2010 to 29.9% in 2018（Date source: the table of “the detection of gynecological diseases” inChina Health and Family Planning Statistical Yearbook2010andChina Health Statistics Yearbook 2019.）. It definitely is a great achievement promoted by Chinese government in the protection of women's rights and interests which cannot be discredited.

It is even more absurd that another lie made by Zenz without any evidence. Zenz claimed that the shares of women aged 18 to 49 who were either widowed or in menopause have more than doubled since the onset of the internment campaign in Kuqa County, because those women’s husbandsdied of internmentor those women who were detained in the vocational educationand trainingcenters had been forced to be injected Depo-Provera, a well-known long-acting reversible hormonal contraceptive injection. Zenzthus censured Chinese government as the culpritwho caused those women’s menopause or losingfertilityabilities（Zenz’s report, p3, p9.）.

Scholars and media reporters from many counties have visited the vocational education and training centers in Xinjiang since the centers’ establishment. They have fully appreciated that the centers have fully respected students’ religious beliefs, spiritual and cultural life. Yet, the so-called evidences Zenzoffering to support his absurd lie were merely his previous article and one table that was quoted from the sixth national population census. This table merely existed inone footnote from Zenz’sreport yet cannot be found in the sixth national census’s report.

Lie 6: The natural growth rate of the Han population in oneresidentialdistrict in Hotan was nearly 8 times higher than that of the Uyghur population in 2018.

Zenz stated thatthe natural growth rate of the Han population in Gulbagh Residential District in Hotan was nearly 8 times higher than that of the Uyghur population in 2018, and claimed that “Beijing is doubling down on a policy of Han settler colonialism”（Zenz’s report，p3, p9.）.

The facts again are distorted. First,Zenz did not indicate the source of the data about the natural population growth rate of Gulbagh Residential District, and thus the authenticity of the data source cannot be verified. Second, a variety of factors may cause the significant change of the natural population growth rate of one district. For instances, the birth rate may significantly increase in one district during a short period, if a large number of young people or new couples flood into this district due to some reasons, such as urban renewal or relocation. Third, Zenz’s conclusion was invalid as it severelyviolated the basic principle of statistics — even if the data is true, the change concurring in one districtespeciallyin a very short period would be inadequate to reflect theoverall change in one county or city. Actually,if we comparing the demographic changes of Han population with that of Uighur population in Hotan from 2017 to 2018, it shows that the number of total Uyghur population in Hotan increased, while that of total Han population decreased（Data source: Table 3-7 “population by region, state, city, county and by ethnic group” in

Xinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2018andXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019.）. In the essence, Zenz’s conclusion aboutHan settler colonialism”was totally a liemade by playing the numbers game.

The truth: Reasonable population growth rate and China’s achievements in protecting women's rights

No dark cloud can forever prevent the sun from shining, and truth is the best lie crusher. The natural population growth rate in Xinjiang since 2010 has indeed shown a declining trend, yet this phenomenon is definitely not caused bythe groundless allegationtrumped up by some western governments and scholars that Chinese governmenthas implemented mandatorybirth control on Uyghur residents. On the contrary, this demographic change reflects China’s long-term efforts and important achievements in promoting policies to protect the rights and interests of women and children in ethnic minority areas.

Many sociological and demographicresearcheshave pointed out thatthe variationin population fertilityrate is closely related tomany factors including the changesof social policies, the level of social and economic development, women’s fertility willingness, and population migration. In addition, some studiesalso have emphasized that women's fertility willingnessplays in a crucialrole in affecting the change of fertilityrate（Guo Zhigang. 2008. “China's low fertility and its determinants”,Population Research, 32(4),1-12.）. Li and Chang, by analyzingthe data collected by the sixth national censusin 2010, foundsome factors affecting the high fertility rate of Uighurs, including relatively backward social and economic development in local community,women’searly marriages, low education, and women’s reproductive autonomy restricted by religious beliefs（Li Jianxin, and Chang qingling. 2016. “Analysis of Marriage and Fertility Status of Xinjiang Uygur－

concentrated areas”,Northwest Journal of Ethnology, 88: 118-128.）.

Looking back to the past ten years, we figure out that thefertility rates of Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang has decreased. On the one hand, ethnic minority residents in Xinjiang have continued enjoying equal and even more preferential policies of population and family planning. On the other hand, Xinjiang, especially south Xinjiang, has been experiencing a rapid social and economic development, during which Chinese government has taken a series of policies and measures to promote gender equality andto protect women’s rights and interests. More and more ethnic minority women have fully enjoyed the right to education and employment and also obtained more autonomy in deciding the fertility issues.

It is a close correlation between the decline in fertility rate andgender equality in education（Ye Hua, and Wu Xiaogang. 2011. “Fertility Decline and the Trend in Educational Gender Inequality in China”,Sociological Studies,2011(5): 153-177.）. In past ten years,Uyghur women in Xinjiang havefully enjoyed their rights to be educated. In 2018, the enrollment rate of school-age children in all primary schools in Xinjiang has reached 99.91%, a very high ratio（See：, accessed on September 4, 2020.）. Increasing young Uyghur womenhave gotten the university degree or above. From 1998to 2018,the number of womenin Xinjiang receiving higher education andits proportion ofthe total populationhas increased significantly. According to China Statistical Yearbook, the proportion of the female population aged 6 and over in Xinjiang with auniversitydegree or above hasraisedfrom 5.07% in 1998 to 17.63% in 2018（Data source: Table of “population aged 6 and over by sex and education level by region” fromChina Statistical Yearbook 1999andChina Statistical Yearbook 2019.）.

As the level of women’s education increases, young Uyghur women have voluntarily postponed their ages of first marriage and childbearing. Munila, a 25-year-old Uyghur girl from Kashgar, is currently studying in Urumqi for pursing her postgraduate degree（Interviewing conducted in July 24, 2020。）. She has a stable relationship with her boyfriend, yet Munila temporarily has no plan to immediately get married because in her opinion, finding a stable job after graduation school graduates is the priority for her now. In her careful arrangements about the future, the marriage will be considered after she working for one or two years. As for the issue of childbearing, she prefers having one child, and accepts two children on the premise that she and her future husband have the capacity of providing the good living conditions for their children. Compared with her parents, the first marriage age of Munila and her peers has been postponed, however, as Munila told to me, she has not felt any anxiety or pressure on her late marriage from his family.

Aynur,who had grewup in a rural village, now isa 32-year-old young mother from Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture（Interviewing conducted in July 25, 2020。）. She has two sisters and one brother, and she and her two sisters have obtainedthe bachelor’s degrees and gotten stable jobs now. Aynur returned to Kizilsu after graduating from graduate school in Xinjiang University, has become a high school teacher. She has been married for three years, having one child andbeing pregnantwith her second baby. Aynur and her husband plan to have two children, as this couple hope that two children would accompany with each other in the future. Aynur now can conveniently receive the regular pregnancy checkups during her pregnancy. She also hadenjoyed legal maternity leave and received maternity allowanceduring she having her first child.

The stories of Munila and Aynur vividly reflectthe attitude differences between theUyghuryouth and the generation of their parents towards marriageand childbearing, The young girls concern more about their individual development and occupy more autonomy in choosing their marriage and deciding their future.

Additionally, rural women having more employment chances is one of key reasons that Uyghur rural women has changed their fertility willingness. In recent years,some provincesin central andeastern China have actively assisted Xinjiang to promoteits economic development. In Kashgar, the Industrial Park established by Shenzhen city has provided a large number of jobs for local rural women. Many Uyghur and other ethnic minority women who had only stay at home and taken care of housework, have had the chances to go out of villages and work in the factories（See this news：, accessed on September 4, 2020.）. Their family income has increased, and their abilities has been improved. The living radiusof Uighur rural womenhas no longer been confined to their families, andwomen’sself-confidence has also increased.Uyghurrural women through working and studying in factories, they have gradually had a comprehensive understanding of family planing policy, and begun to concern more aboutthe quality of their children’s education, instead of merely pursuing the quantity of bearing children.

The cases and stories above fullydemonstratethat the change of Xinjiang’s ethnic minority women’s fertility willingness is not the result of policy compulsion by government, but is derived from their ownchanging willand attitudeon fertility. This change is the significant achievement of China’s gender and ethnic equality, achieved by thelong-term measures of protecting women’s rights and interests and the policies of minority preferential treatmentthat Chinese government has unremittingly promoted, and also closely related tothe prosperous and stablesocial atmospherein Xinjiang. China, asa responsible major country,strictly complies and abidesbyUniversal Declaration of Human RightsandThe Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Womenand other international conventions adopted by the United Nations.

Somewestern countries and research institutions, based ontheir ideological prejudice and deliberate purposes, have concocted various absurd lies and maliciously slandered Chinese government by despicable means of fabricating facts and tampering data. However, we firmly believe thatonce the truth comes closer, the lie will run away. The ethnic equality policies implementedby Chinese government definitely willleadpeople of all ethnic groups in Xinjiangtowards a more prosperous and stablefuture.

来源：新疆大学官方网站